Nigeria and the Burden of Afrocentrism

From the very beginning of its independence, Nigeria carried Africa on its shoulders as if it were a child born to guard an entire continent. There was a sense of duty that flowed naturally from its size, its population and its wealth. Every generation of Nigerian leaders kept repeating one idea in different ways. Africa is the centre of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Africa must come first. Africans are brothers. Africans must not fall apart. This idea shaped the country like a destiny and it followed Nigeria into every corner of its external relations.

So when Nigeria sent fighter jets to Benin Republic in December, many Nigerians became confused and asked why their country would help another state when insecurity was swallowing parts of the homeland. To the ordinary citizen, it made no sense. But to anyone who has studied Nigeria’s foreign policy over the decades, it was not surprising at all. It was simply Nigeria doing what it has always done. It was the old spirit rising again almost in the same way it rose in the days of ECOMOG.

Nigeria has taken part in many African struggles. The first major story that shaped the country’s identity was its involvement in the Congo crisis in the early years after independence. Nigeria sent soldiers to help stabilise the troubled country because it believed that Africa must not fall into chaos under the watch of its largest nation. After Congo came Angola, Chad, Sudan and others. But the story that defined Nigeria completely was the experience of ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Nigeria paid the highest price. Nigerian soldiers were the backbone of the entire operation. Nigerian resources carried the weight of the missions. Nigerian diplomacy held everything together. Nigeria acted like a guardian that never asked for repayment. It stood between warring factions, rescued civilians, pushed for peace and restored order. Some people praised Nigeria, others accused it of doing too much, but no one doubted that the country had embraced the role of a big brother without fear.

That sense of responsibility did not stop after the civil wars. It continued in new forms. Sometimes Nigeria stepped in with soldiers. Sometimes it used diplomacy. Sometimes it paid the bills for entire regional operations because it believed that African states must not depend on outsiders for their survival. This is the foundation of Afrocentrism. It is a belief that Africans must put Africans first, even when it is difficult. Even when it is costly. Even when the home front is facing its own storms.

This long tradition explains why Nigeria reacted quickly when Benin Republic found itself in deep political trouble. To many outsiders, it looked like events escalated suddenly. But Benin had been boiling for months. The people were angry. They were frustrated with rising prices. They complained that corruption had eaten deep into their institutions. Unemployment was spreading hopelessness among young people. The tension grew worse when the opposition began to accuse the president of trying to turn Benin into a one party state. They said the new electoral laws were designed to silence them. They said journalists were being arrested. They said activists were being intimidated. Many protesters filled the streets, shouting for free and fair elections. They demanded the release of political prisoners who had been locked away for many years. They believed that the president who came to power in 2016 with a promise of one term had overstayed his welcome and was now preparing to tighten his grip on the country again as the next election approached in January.

Instead of sitting down with them, the government responded with security forces. Tear gas covered the streets. Protesters were dragged away. The anger mixed with fear. The fear mixed with desperation. And in the middle of this confusion, a group of soldiers rose up and tried to seize power. They announced that they wanted to rescue their country from what they saw as growing authoritarianism. It was a strange move in a century where coups were becoming unacceptable. They did not even try to hide. They made public declarations. They miscalculated. And the government quickly reached out for help.

This was where Nigeria stepped in. ECOWAS had been quiet while tensions were building in Benin. Many people wondered why the regional body did not intervene earlier to prevent the crisis. But when the coup attempt began, ECOWAS decided to act. Benin asked Nigeria for immediate support and Nigeria agreed. The fighter jets moved in first. Then the ground troops followed. The aim was to restore constitutional order and stop the mutiny from spreading beyond control. Within a short time, the operation succeeded and the coup plotters were pushed back.

But while Benin was breathing with relief, many Nigerians began to ask hard questions. How can Nigeria send fighter jets to rescue another country when bandits and kidnappers are terrorising villages here at home. How can Nigeria bring peace to another land when Nigerians are still crying for safety. How can our leaders say Africa first when our own people are begging for protection and stability. Should Nigeria really continue this kind of foreign policy in the twenty first century. Is Afrocentrism still a blessing or has it become a burden.

This is the heart of the debate. Nigeria believes that the safety of Africa is connected to its own safety. If a neighbour falls, Nigeria will feel the impact. Refugees will cross the borders. Armed groups will move freely. Trade will suffer. Security will weaken. So for Nigeria, helping another African country is also a way of protecting itself from future trouble. This is one argument. The second argument is moral. Nigeria sees itself as a leader. Leaders do not ignore their brothers. Leaders do not watch their neighbours collapse. Leaders act even when others hesitate.

But critics see things differently. They argue that leadership without domestic strength becomes unnecessary sacrifice. They ask why Nigeria should carry Africa when many Nigerians cannot feel the benefits of their own government. They point to the fact that other countries put their citizens first before anything else, yet Nigeria seems to reverse the order by placing African interest above national interest. They worry that Nigeria is exhausting itself in the name of solidarity while forgetting that charity must begin at home.

So the real question now is simple but important. Is it right for Nigeria to continue practicing Afrocentrism in a century where every country protects its own interest before helping others. Should Nigeria keep playing the big brother even when its own house is shaking. Should Africans come first before Nigerians. Or should Nigeria redesign its foreign policy to reflect the reality of its internal struggles.

This is the question I leave to the reader. It is a question without easy answers. But it is a question Nigeria must face as it continues to balance the weight of its history with the demands of its future.